your
forum’s first public outing was during the struggle for the appointment
of the substantive national chairman for the PDP where you fought
against the appointment of Sen. Ali Modu Sheriff and lost. Isn’t that a
bad omen?
That was not our first outing, but that
could be the first time people would see us together somewhere. For
long we had been responding to issues and educating the government of
the day. There isn’t anything like lost battle in our stance against
Sheriff. When Sheriff came on board, I was the first person to issue a
statement followed by Femi Fani-Kayode, to say that the appointment was a
misnomer and that it would not hold. The idea or the agenda of those
who brought him was for him to stay for about two to three years. But
our reactions, response and resistance to such a misdemeanour made the
governors of the party and other stakeholders to say they needed to give
Sheriff a soft landing and that was why they said he should leave
within the first 100 days. It was a won battle and not a lost one. If
not for what Ministers’ Forum did, Sheriff was planning to stay till
2019. The forum rescued Nigerians from the dictatorship of governors.
Even the All Progressives Congress should be grateful to us as well
because we rescued them from the governors who usually believe they are
the lords of political parties. What we did was the beginning of
internal democracy in the party.
But nothing has happened to suggest that Sheriff would go on May 21?
The governors, the Board of Trustees
and other stakeholders of the party have told us that he would go on May
21 as directed by the National Executive Committee. Sheriff had also
come out to say he won’t stay more than the stipulated time. The NEC
hasn’t said anything to the contrary even though we don’t believe in
that we still maintain our position that he should even go before that
time. But again, we still hold them to what they said and we still hold
Sheriff accountable to his words. Yet, the fear is there that nothing
concrete has been put in place to suggest that he and other members of
the National Working Committee are willing to leave. I don’t think the
NWC would take us for granted and I don’t think that forces behind them,
if there are, would take us for granted. This is not the Nigeria of
yesterday. I want to believe that this working committee would leave as
stipulated. Anything to the contrary would be fought with everything we
have in our possession. The era of impunity in the party is gone. The
era of individual dictatorship is gone.
Would you say that all members of the NWC should leave, or that they are free to contest again?
Anybody who wants to contest should be
allowed to, if they meet the constitutional requirements. But what we
are saying is that we must set a new pace, and we are saying that this
NWC as presently constituted should go and they have agreed to go.
Having agreed to leave, they cannot swallow their words and say they are
not going. We won’t allow that.
And if Sheriff says he’s not going?
He can’t say that. He’s not the PDP and
he doesn’t have the wherewithal to say he isn’t going. Even when some
people said the former acting chairman shouldn’t revert to his position
as deputy national chairman; just one person, backed by some
individuals, forced him to go. The courts are there for us to explore.
There are so many legal means to address issues. Sheriff and others like
him should not try us.
Most of the members of your forum are not even members of the NEC. Does it mean that they are just barking and can’t bite?
They are not members of the NEC, yet
they are important stakeholders. These are former ministers, who could
be more influential than governors. Governors operate at the local
level. Ministers are representatives of the centre whom people outside
the country look out for. In terms of influence and clout and reaching
out, we have what it takes. Don’t underestimate us.
How many of you are known as grassroots politicians who can win elections?
How many governors do we have now? We
have just about 13 of them and we have 36 federating units. Every state
had a minister in the past.
How many of these former ministers were used to the party at the state level?
That’s a different ball game. We are
talking about 16 solid years now. No state has produced less than five
ministers in the past. Thus, if one isn’t useful what about the others?
As I’m talking to you, I’m still helping some people for one thing or
the other in my state. Not all the governors keyed into this rascality.
The majority of the governors have realised the mistake they made in
putting Sheriff there and that was why they asked him to stay for just
three months.
Some stakeholders have even
blamed former President Goodluck Jonathan for the rot in the party
adding that his inability to replace the former chairman, Adamu Mu’azu,
was due to negligence.
The former President isn’t the only
person that makes the party. As at the time we lost the election, we
were confronted with so many things, including transiting from one
government to the other. He isn’t the type that super-imposes his idea
on the others. If he could allow rule of law in his election as
fundamental as that poll was to him and allow another party to come to
power, you can imagine what he could do for the issue of the party. The
decision to allow Uche Secondus continue in acting capacity was a
collective decision and he was not out to rock the boat by imposing
another person. What they agreed on that time was for Secondus to stay
in office for three months after which another person would be appointed
from the North-East. It was a gentleman’s agreement. That some people
decided to jettison that agreement should not be blamed on Jonathan.
That the governors from the zone were unable to agree on a candidate
should not be blamed on Jonathan. If Jonathan had done otherwise, they
would have blamed him for imposing someone. Jonathan is a democrat, a
gentleman to the core. Nigerians should just appreciate this and
shouldn’t blame him for not taking a decision which could amount to
dictatorship.
Apart from working with Jonathan, you are also very close to him. What kind of person is he that Nigerians don’t know?
He’s a man of unassuming character. A
gentleman to the core, and I always describe him as someone who has a
semblance of Tafawa Balewa, Shehu Shagari, Ernest Shonekan and Umaru
Yar’Adua. All these five persons, are pure civilian presidents. They
don’t have military background. The five of them never wanted power.
They were dragged into office.
Jonathan never wanted power. If he
wanted power at all cost and if he were to be someone with military
mentality, he wouldn’t have appointed Prof. Attahiru Jega as the
chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission.
Why wouldn’t he?
Who didn’t know Jega’s antecedent? Who
didn’t know him as an Academic Staff Union of Universities’ activist? I
keep on saying it; it is only the likes of Jonathan who could appoint
Jega as INEC chairman. It is the likes of Jonathan who could appoint me,
another ASUU activist, as a minister after four months of mobilising
ASUU against him. Other leaders wouldn’t do that and we must give that
to Jonathan regardless of what you have against him. When he sees that
you can bring something to the table, he would appoint you.
Even when he
was under pressure to remove Jega, he said no and that his ambition
wasn’t worth the blood of any Nigerian. Thus, if he had wanted power at
all cost, he wouldn’t have done that. It is only Jonathan who knew when
the whole North-East, (Yobe, Borno, Adamawa states) and others were not
for him and still went ahead and approved the creation of polling units
for the Internally Displaced Persons in the geo-political zone. He knew
that they won’t vote for him. It was only Jonathan that could come up
with card readers.
It was the INEC and not Jonathan that did all these.
They were ideas of the INEC under
Jonathan and the President could have stopped them. The INEC did all
these subject to the President’s approval. He had the power to stop them
but he did not. All these novel initiatives that gave credibility to
electoral process happened under Jonathan.
But Jonathan won under Jega’s INEC in 2011. What’s special about him losing in 2015 under the same man?
What I am saying is that Jonathan had
what it took not to lose the election, but he let go. You think any of
these people with military background would allow that to happen? Even
when Godsday Orubebe was trying to truncate the whole thing, he asked
him (Orubebe) to let go and not to cause any friction. He picked his
telephone and spoke with him. President Muhammadu Buhari also
acknowledged that. He is a gentleman. Nobody can take that away from
him.
Did his being gentle make it difficult for him to fight corruption?
I don’t know what you mean by that.
Fighting corruption is not when you see government officials saying,
‘people stole, people looted, we have recovered so, so amount of money
and all that.’ That’s not fighting corruption. If somebody put in place a
system that would stop the issue of ghost workers, that would put a
stop to people collecting multiple salaries and so on; that is fighting
corruption.
But after he had left, the current government discovered hundreds of ghost workers….
(Cuts in) If under Jonathan we didn’t see Ghana-Must-Go
exchanging hands at the National Assembly, and no minister was asked to
pay for clearance; if under him access to fertilizer became so easy;
that is how to fight corruption. Are you saying under Jonathan, the
Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission and
Economic and Financial Crime Commission didn’t apprehend people for
corrupt practices?
Yes, under Jonathan, the EFCC was arresting fishermen and leaving those who stole billions of naira. Were you not aware?
To me, it is not the ultimate when the
fight against corruption becomes a political issue aiming at scoring
political goals, a case of propaganda, or a campaign issue. If Buhari
leaves today, do you think corruption would come to an end?
Jonathan did his own bit and this should
be appreciated. The people that were collecting other people’s salaries
appreciated his efforts. People with case like that of (Cecilia) Ibru
would appreciate his efforts. The highest level of injustice you can do
to humanity is when you are unjust. All these things we are talking
about Jonathan and the billions they are rolling out are not peculiar to
Jonathan and the PDP.
But it is the PDP that ruled this country for the last 16 years?
It depends on what you mean; it is a
matter of perception. People should look at it from a proper
perspective. The PDP is not just a party; it is made up of people. Most
of the people we should talk about are now in the APC.
Do you mean the people that
collected billions and millions from the former National Security
Adviser without doing anything are now in the APC?
Are there no people in the APC that
collected money from the former NSA? Is Jafaru Isa not in the APC? Were
they not even trying to mention the name of the President at that time?
It is not just a PDP affair. When it comes to the destruction of the
country, the President should address the political class and not a
political party. That’s when he would get it right and that’s why he’s
not getting it right now because he’s addressing PDP members alone. If
he believes that the Nigerian political class has destroyed the country,
he can beam his searchlight on them. That’s how he would get result. I
have spent just about two years as a member of the PDP and would you now
say because of that, I’m among those who destroyed the country whereas
the likes of Nasir el-Rufai who spent 12 years in the party is a saint
just because he had moved to the APC? Can’t we get it right?
What people say now is that the PDP has
destroyed the country. When you talk about 16 years of stewardship, who
are the people who made the party? El-Rufai was in the Bureau of Public
Enterprise for four years; he was a minister for four years. Rotimi
Amaechi was Speaker for eight years, governor for eight years. That’s 16
years. We should get serious for God’s sake. When you are looking for
the people that ruined the economy of the country, party platform should
not be the basis for identifying them. If you use party platform then
you are selective. Don’t forget that three former national chairmen of
the PDP are now in the APC. These are Audu Ogbeh, Sen. Barnabas Gemade
and Kawu Baraje. Were they not part of the PDP? Why is Buhari not
talking about them? Former President Olusegun Obasanjo ruled this
country for eight years. He installed Yar’Adua and Jonathan. In other
words, he’s been in the PDP for about 16 years but because he’s no
longer a member of the PDP, he’s exonerated? People should get it right.
Most of the governors in the APC, most of the senators in the APC
including the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, were in the PDP. Thus,
it is better we address Nigeria’s political class rather than reducing
it to one political party.
We shouldn’t see corruption as being
synonymous to the PDP. As an intellectual, I won’t accept that.
But there are facts that corruption thrived under the Jonathan presidency.
Corruption thrived under whose
presidency? I don’t believe that. When we talk of corruption, it isn’t
peculiar to Jonathan’s government. Corruption thrived under all the
successive governments. What happened during the botched Third Term? Are
you saying that you didn’t know how N50m was being distributed to
people and how Ghana-Must-Go was shared? El-Rufai also revealed how some
people were asking him for money to get cleared as a minister. Why is
the President not talking about the late Gen. Sani Abacha who died years
ago and we are still collecting his loot? Is it because the President
served under Abacha? All these issues of corruption under Jonathan
happened between March and April last year. It was purely an election
issue. Nobody has traced any money to Jonathan’s account up till now,
but monies were traced to Abacha’s accounts. It is an attempt to
decimate the PDP, decimate Jonathan and malign his character. I’m not
saying he’s a perfect man, even under the present government, corruption
is ongoing. The padding of the budget is part of corruption, the
Treasury Single Account issue is part of corruption. There are so many
things they are trying to cover up. Corruption is ongoing. The fight
against corruption is going to be gradual and must also be attitudinal.
It must go beyond President Muhammadu Buhari’s tenure. The APC
government should address that. But it is not doing that. It is
addressing perceived enemies. It is not addressing corruption from the
bottom. Once you are appointed as a minister, everybody looks up to you.
When their wife is pregnant, they want you to pay for antenatal. When
she gives birth, they want you to pay for the naming ceremony. When the
mother is dead, you are called to do the funeral. We need to address the
minds of the followers.
Nigerians are getting disenchanted with the
Buhari government because they are not seeing money.
Are Nigerians getting disenchanted because they saw money during the administration of Jonathan?
It is not about Jonathan’s government
alone. It is a common thing about our polity. It is what has been there
over the years. Are we addressing that? I would be happy if tomorrow I’m
appointed and nobody is applying pressure on me to say ‘give me this,
give me that.’ When you are not ready to respond to pressure from your
constituents, not only would they abuse you, they would rain curses on
you. Where do you get the money? They forget that a minister doesn’t
earn as much as one million naira a month and they expect so much from
you. The perception they had of the former ministers is what they have
now about the current ones. How do we address and re-orientate peoples’
mind through new values? Until that one is done, all these things we are
doing now would not stand the test of time. Buhari has not addressed
that aspect. We need to address the rot from the bottom, not from the
top, which is just politics.
You met with former
President Jonathan recently, how was his mood when he heard about the
stealing of billions of naira under his watch?
Ex-President Jonathan is of unassuming
character. He hardly talks, but from his countenance, he remains
unperturbed because, he believes that whatever could be the misgivings
or the wrongdoing of his government, the proper procedure has not been
taken. From his countenance, he believes that he has not been fairly
treated. His countenance suggests that this is not a good price they
need to pay him for conceding defeat and for allowing peace to reign in
the country. And whatever the wrongdoing of his government, there are
proper channels to handle things and he believes that, that right
channel has not been properly exhausted enough. More is being done to
decimate him, to malign his character, to create an impression that
suggests that he is a destroyer of Nigeria’s economy; after all he has
done for this country. He also believes that there could have been one
mistake or the other, but he believes that proper procedure has not been
carried out.
That’s what I read in him.
Does that mean he’s regretting conceding defeat?
Jonathan doesn’t regret conceding
defeat because as a man of God he believes that any blood that is shed
on his behalf would be accounted for on the Day of Judgment. He believes
that whatever he has done is a sacrifice to humanity and sacrifice to
God. No regrets at all, but perhaps, the only thing is that he’s wary of
whether we are setting a good precedent or not. Will other leaders come
tomorrow and be ready to concede defeat if this is the kind of
treatment that would be meted to them thereafter?
Does he feel that there were things he ought to have done while in office that he didn’t do?
As I said earlier, there’s no perfect
government anywhere in the world. Every leader after leaving office
would always have moments of reflection and when you have that, there
would be when you would feel that ‘oh, this one could have been done
this way, that one could have been done the other way’ and so on.
The rejection of Jonathan
during the last general election came to many people as a surprise as
some of the ministers like you, were unable to deliver their states to
the PDP? Was his popularity that low?
So many factors came into play. I’m not
here to say that the PDP lost credibility. All is now history. But so
many factors came into play. The northern part of the country wanted
power by all means, they wanted power to shift. It was not because there
was crisis or loss of jobs. No, they wanted power. That was why most of
the people that voted for the APC were from the northern part of the
country. Most of the people that voted for power to remain in the south
were also from the south. That election did not show the reflection of
an economically vibrant country that we had that time. We shouldn’t
rejoice over the outcome of that election. We ought to mourn it. It took
us back to 1960 when regionalism and ethnicity were major factors that
determined people’s perception of who they voted for. How do you explain
it that the entire North except the Federal Capital Territory and
Nasarawa State, voted for Buhari and the South-East and South-South,
voted for Jonathan? The only region where we had a balance was the
South-West, where it was 45 to 55. That election suggested a divided
Nigeria. It shows that primordialism took the centre stage in deciding
who we chose as our leader. The winner emerged not because of any issue
raised during campaign or what, but it was share primordial politics.
The North wanted it and I’m sorry to say, the Muslims wanted it. Thus,
sectionalism was fundamental in deciding the election.
How come that didn’t apply in the South-West?
Perhaps, the south western people, with
due respect to other regions, are the most conscious, educated people
in terms of political awareness. That, perhaps informed their electoral
pattern. In the South-West, ethnicity and religion are not as
fundamental as in the North, South-South or South-East.
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